Preliminary draft along with the explanatory note, based on the Concept Paper
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Bases of Cultural and Social Solidarity
The Committee for Determining Base of Cultural and Social Solidarity has divided its concept paper into three sections: language, culture and social solidarity. At a time when issues about cultural identity are cropping up, an issue such as linguistic recognition naturally draws greater attention. The concept paper of the Committee reveals that ethnicity and caste have become very prominent issues in the mountain and hill regions whereas issues about linguistic and regional identities have occupied the minds of the people and politicians in the Tarai region of Nepal. This has made policy makers and politicians to take into consideration the statistics of languages, spoken and written in Nepal, to address the cultural and political changes that the nation is going through. It is a common observation that language is generally used in one or all of these forms: mother tongue, international language, lingua franca, and language for official use.
The official recording of languages in Nepal began with the first ever census that was conducted in 1952/53. The 2001 Census shows that Nepal has 92 languages. This testifies that Nepal is a multilingual country. And, languages spoken in Nepal belong mainly to four families:
(a) Indo Aryan (79.1 %)
(b) Tibeto-Burman (18.4%)
(c) Anglo Asian (0.2 %)
(d) Dravidian (0.1 %)
It is criticised that Nepal as a modern state has failed to preserve and develop languages of the minorities. In course of time, Nepali language with Devanagari script has come to function as an official language, but the policy makers have failed to protect and promote languages other than Nepali. That is why cultural activists and politicians have accused the polity for embracing an undemocratic language policy. And, there is some truth in this accusation. Therefore, this is probably the best time or opportunity for Nepal to formulate liberal policies to protect and promote its local languages. The political parties have strongly spoken for multiple language policy and have vehemently criticised the single language policy that the state practiced in the past.
How many languages are there in Nepal? First, there needs to be an exact data on this. The 1952/53 Census showed that Nepal had had 44 languages whereas the one conducted in 1971 revealed that Nepal had only 14 languages. However, the 2001 Census has shown us that there are 92 spoken languages in Nepal. Every census that the government conducted in the past came up with different language statistics. This means the state needs to be serious while conducting researches and maintaining records on languages. Moreover, it is a very sad thing to know that some of the languages are on the verge of extinction. It is also believed that some languages have already disappeared. Therefore, the proposal of forming a separate committee on National Language Commission to study and research about linguistic status of the nation is very necessary and worth appreciating.
It is very necessary that primary education is imparted in mother tongues so that all languages get protected and promoted as language is directly linked with culture and social lives and identities. This is the main reason why the Constituent Assembly decided to form a body to document languages, cultures and social fraternity as well as to prepare a preliminary draft report and concept papers for the CA to address in the constitution. This body is called the Committee for Determining Base of Cultural and Social Solidarity.
But what are the bases for maintaining and measuring cultural and social solidarity? It is very difficult to point out. It is an open fact that Nepali society inhabits great many languages, cultures, traditions, religions and castes. Nepalis have lived with such diversities since time immemorial. Moreover, no single caste makes any majority in Nepal though one cannot deny the fact that caste discrimination still exists here. But a “nation of minorities” must function as the driving force for the Nepali state to launch her new language and cultural policies. A “nation of minorities” also demands upon the policy makers and politicians to develop policies to maintain solidarity among people belonging to various castes, religions and cultures in this country. Barring some exceptional communal disturbances, Nepal has not experienced any serious event that could bring disruption in its social, cultural and religious tolerance. And to consolidate this harmony, the Committee for Determining Base of Cultural and Social Solidarity has proposed to address some fundamental principles in its statutes.
The Committee submitted its concept paper and preliminary draft report to the CA Speaker Subash Chandra Nemwang on 22 June 2009. The Committee on the Protection of the Rights of Minorities and Marginalised Communities and the National Interest Preservation Committee too submitted their reports.
The main duty of the Committee is to identify factors which could guarantee political, social, economic and linguistic rights of the people. It also aims to form various constitutional bodies under the federal model to ensure mutual fraternity, trust and respect among the people belonging to different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. To achieve such objectives, the Committee has made some recommendations for the CA to follow.
The Committee strongly urges the CA to realise that children belonging to every ethnic committee have rights to take education in their mother language, and this right should be put under the section of fundamental rights in the constitution. Every community has right to protect and promote its cultures. Similarly, every community can outlaw outdated traditions and wrong practices. The Committee further states that indigenous and ethnic communities need to bring all forms of caste discriminations and untouchability to an end. The Committee makes strong appeal to the CA to take necessary measures to guarantee linguistic and other cultural rights and interests of the Madhesi People, people living in the Tarai area.
Language Movements in Nepal
Nepali was declared as the national language in the constitution at a time when autocracy was ruling over this nation. Though some politicians and cultural rights activists dared to speak against the singular language policy of the nation, during the Panchayat rule, not a single language movement became effective until the democracy was restored in Nepal in 1990. Every radical movement was often taken as a part of anti-Panchayat ideology during 1961-1990.
When Nepal endorsed multiparty parliamentary system in 1990, non-Nepali speaking communities started to launch language movements demanding for multi-lingual policies. They, for the first time, put a strong agenda that the mother language must be the medium of instruction in primary education in schools at local levels. Consequently, Janakpur Municipality and Kathmandu Metropolitan started to use Maithili and Newari respectively at local bodies. A writ was registered in the Supreme Court against this move. As the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Nepali language, this new language movement became a nonstarter. The 29 May 1992 Court verdict is still taken as a “black day” by non-Nepali-speaking people. Therefore, on this particular day, various organisations protest against this historic blunder committed by the Supreme Court. However, these language activists hold an opinion that Sanskrit is a dead language, and therefore, it should not be included in the school curriculum.
The language movements in Nepal kept on gaining momentum especially after the Vice-president Parmanand Jha elected from the Constituent Assembly took the oath of office in Hindi language on 23 July 2008. This act of the Vice-president met with several protests across the country, and a writ was registered in the Supreme Court. The Court ordered the Vice-president to retake the oath according to the regulation of the Interim Constitution within seven days. Since the Vice-president disobeyed the court order, the position of the Vice-President remained “inactive” for about six months.
In the second week of February 2010, Jha retook oath both in Nepali and Maithili clad in Daura Suruwal, hitherto regarded as the national dress. Then only he was reinstated as the Vice-president. Even the Maithili-speaking people were sadly dissatisfied with Jha for taking the oath in the Hindi, clad in dhoti and kurtha, the national dress of India. Such a move by such a person elected to the top position of the state going through a politically volatile and sensitive situation, and someone who was supposed to set a role model for others to follow was naturally taken as an insult by the people. This move to establish the Hindi language as an official language in Nepal thus failed. It is believed that had the Indians succeeded to establish Hindi as one of the national languages in Nepal, the Public Service Commission would have been adversely affected.
Jha had worked as a judge in the Supreme Court for years. Therefore, his “oath” taking was taken not as a mere mistake committed by a novice but a deliberate action made to legalise the language policy that the party which nominated him as the potential Vice-president has been advocating. Similarly, many CA members from Madhes have demanded to recognise Hindi as an official language in the new constitution. They argue that Hindi needs to be given the status of a contact language in Madhes in a manner similar to the way Nepali has been given the status of a lingua franca in mountain and hilly regions of the country. However, Prof. Amar Kant Jha, someone coming from the Maithili area in the Tarai, argues that if Hindi is given an official status of a contact language in the Tarai or Madhes, great many mother tongues of Tarai such as Maithili, Bhojpuri, Bajjika and Awadhi among others will die out or go out of use.
The Committee during its tenure consulted nationally and internationally acclaimed linguists and language experts such as Prof. Yogendra Prasad Yadav, Prof. Novel Kishore Rai, A. Prof. Purna Man Shakya, Dr. Subhadra Subba Dahal and Asst. Prof. Sudha Tripathy for their opinions and advice.
Hindi as Official Language
During the period the draft was prepared, the Committee had to hold discussions on issues of diverse natures, especially Madhes-based parties demanded Hindi to be given an official status in the new constitution. However, the CA members, except those belonging to the UCPN (M), stood against this proposition. The UCPN (M) CA members remained mum on this issue though they argued in favour of a multilingual policy. Despite all disputes and disagreements, the Committee in the report states that “the language for official use in the central government shall be Nepali of Devanagari script”. But Madhes-based CA members have expressed their different opinions in this regard.
Altogether eight CA members: Hari Narayan Yadav, Muga Lal Mahato, Jaya Ram Yadav, Karina Begam, and Sabita Yadav (Madhesi People’s Rights Forum-Nepal) Kabindra Thakur (Tarai Madhesi Loktantrik Party-Democratic), Gauri Mahato Koiri (Sadbhawana Party) and Krishna Thakur (Nepali Congress) registered different views demanding that both Hindi and Nepali be legalised as official languages. However, Krishna Thakur through a press release expressed her support for Nepali as the only official language. Those who demand Hindi to be given official status in Nepal argue that “the policy of multilingualism, khas language and Hindi language of Devanagari script should be established as contact languages for the people of mountains, hills and Tarai, and Hindi should be given a status of official language by the central government”.
Though Madhes-based party leaders claim Hindi to be given a status of the contact language in Tarai, the language experts from Madhes oppose the very claim. Linguists and Tarai-culture experts put the logic that if Hindi is given official status of a contact language; other languages of Tarai will remain endangered. They point out the importance of promoting and protecting languages such as Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi and Tharu among other languages spoken in Tarai through implementing a multilingual policy.
Language is part and parcel of culture for great many castes and communities of this country. Moreover, nationalism is directly linked with language and cultures. Therefore, if a language dies, it not only affects a particular culture but also weakens nationalism as a whole. Prof. Yogendra Prasad Yadav says multilingual policy is the most suitable policy for a country like Nepal. He does not agree with the official data that states that only 11 languages are spoken by more than 1% of the total population. As an expert, he states that there are 16 such languages. He further states that Nepal is not the only country where great many languages are spoken. In Papua New Guinea, some 900 languages are spoken, and 500 languages are used as the medium of teaching at school level.
Election on “Words”
Sixteen UCPN(M) CA members have stated their opinion that the phrase “people’s war” not the “armed conflict” should be officially used to refer to the particular period of Nepali history (1996-2006), and multilingual policy should be the policy of the nation in the days to come. They proposed that out of 92 languages, the ones spoken by more than 1% of the total population should be given federal and provincial status in the new constitution. They argue that under multilingual language policies, the nation in its new constitution needs to give the following languages a federal and provincial status:
(a) Khas language (Nepali language or Dotyal language with Devanagari script)
(b) Magar language
(c) Tamang language
(d) Newar language in Ranjana script
(e) Tharu language (Dagaura Rana)
(f) Rai (Kirant) language
(g) Limbu language
(h) Maithili language
(i) Bhojpuri language
(j) Awadhi language
(k) Gurung language
The UCPN(M) CA members further assert that to recognise one language as the contact language, or state language is to impose suppression over other languages spoken in the same area. In a roundabout way, the UCPN (M) seems to be against the idea of accepting Nepali as the only official language. Of the seventeen political parties which submitted their concept papers on language in the Committee, 10 parties have proposed Nepali as the official language in the new constitution. However, Lila Kumari Bagale, a UCPN (M) CA member put a different view in the Committee. She is of the opinion that indigenous people should be granted prior rights on consumption of natural resources such as water, land and forest.
Though different views were registered on the term “people’s war”, the debate whether to retain it or not in the constitution was settled through holding a vote on 8 June 2010. Altogether 19 votes were cast in favour of writing “armed conflict” and only 12 votes were cast in favour of “people’s war”. The chair of the Committee Nabodita Chaudhary finally announced the majority’s consensus for “armed conflict” and decided to abide by the votes.
This Committee proposes that the language of communication between federal government and provincial government must be the very official language that the central government practices. However, inter-provincial governments can fix any particular language as the contact language (such language can either be the one used by the central government or any other that is helpful for people belonging to the provinces to communicate with each other). The Committee in its report proposes that language of the central government should also be the language of the judiciary. Finally, the Committee has proposed to form a special “Language Commission” to study about the scope for other regional and local languages to get official status.
Cultural and Social Harmony
The Committee had held extensive discussions with regard to cultural issues with experts such as Dr. Saphalya Amatya, Prof. Prem Kumar Khatri, Prof. Chaitanya Mishra, Najarul Hussein, Falahi Amir, Dr. Keshar Jung Baral Magar, and Jagaman Gurung. Likewise, Prof. Krishna Khanal, Dev Prasad Gurung, Dr. Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan, Dr. Yubaraj Sangraula, and Dr. Hari Bansha Jha provided suggestions on cultural and social solidarity that Nepal must maintain in the days to come. The Committee invited experts for their views so that it could trace down processes that are essential to preserve languages of the minorities and maintain as well as uphold cultural solidarity among people.
Prof. Krishna Khanal defined social solidarity as the sense of unity, fellow-feeling, and mutual help among different communities and individuals living in a society. Prof. Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan opined that the main cause of disturbance in social solidarity in Nepal are none other than Brahmanism, patrimonial state, Hindu culture, Khas Nepali language and hill cultures. Many a time Bhattachan put harsh words against Brahmanic cultures.
During 16 February 2008 – 17 June 2009, the Committee held altogether 48 meetings to prepare the draft of concept papers. When the UCPN (M)-led government resigned on 28 May 2008, it had some direct effect on the meetings of the Committee. None of the thematic committees could finalise issues with consensus from its members. In almost all the committees the disputed issues were settled through holding election. Registering different views became the defining characteristic of almost every committee.
The Committee on Protection of Rights of Minorities and Marginalised Communities and the National Interest Preservation Committee finalised their report that includes all different opinions put in meeting whereas the Committee for Determining the base of Cultural and Social Solidarity drafted the report on the basis vote of majority. The Committee on State Restructuring and Distribution of State Power was the last to submit its report in the CA. It too decided on the issues through voting. This Committee too finally finalised issues such as 14 state provinces, caste and ethnic rights, prior rights of the majority population of the province for two consecutive terms, and rights to self-rule among others.
The study and analysis of the reports submitted by other ten thematic committees show that the members hardly made any interactions with the members belonging to other committees before preparing their reports. Some committees call “state”, others including this one call “province” and yet others call “county” to refer to the same thing called “nation”. Moreover, the report prepared by this Committee states that many communities, groups and classes have remained far undeveloped because of the lack of proper social and cultural policies. But on the other hand, this report remains silent about the forces responsible bringing such sorry fate to great many ethnic communities. In almost all reports submitted by the committees there are a lot of expressions of ambiguity. Moreover, their reports read more like thesis paper of graduate students than the preliminary drafts meant for writing constitution.
It looks as though the CA members or the members belonging to different constitutional committees did not raise themselves above the party lines and ideology while sitting on the discussion sessions held to prepare the draft. To everyone’s surprise they did not make any significant contribution to the CA meetings. However, Pradeep Giri, Narhari Acharya, Pradeep Gyawali, Gagan Thapa, Bishnu Prasad Paudel and Shankar Pokharel among other CA members behaved exceptionally well as they addressed social and cultural issues of Nepali people openly without caring what their own party expected from them. They put forward very important perspective on great many larger national interests.
Committee for determining the base of Cultural and Social Solidarity
Preliminary draft of the Constitution
Committee for Determining the Basis for Cultural and Social Solidarity
Committee on Natural Resources, Financial Rights and Revenue Sharing
Differences over Compensation
Though the political parties were clear about the political issues and other subjects, they were not clear on natural resources, financial rights and revenue sharing even after the election to the Constituent Assembly. In the Interim Constitution 2007, the election manifestos of the political parties and other documents did not clearly define the relationship between the provinces and the centre. This is the result of uncertainty the parties themselves were in. However, it is not unnatural that the parties that have different backgrounds hold different views regarding this particular subject.
The differences notwithstanding, Committee on Natural Resources, Financial Rights and Revenue Sharing managed to reach consensus on many issues through discussion. The CA members of United Communist Party of Nepal (UCPN-Maoist) sternly stood in favour of revolutionary land reform while the Nepali Congress (NC) and Communist Party of Nepal (CPN-UML) voiced for “scientific land reform”. After the discussion, the Committee agreed to call it “scientific revolutionary”. The parties had debates as to what to do to confiscate the land of the individual that holds more land than set by the limitation in the process of executing land reform. For the UCPN (M) compensation was not necessary in confiscating such land (more land than set by limitation) while the NC and UML and other parties advocated compensation.
The UML prepared a draft as an attempt to erase the growing dissents among the Committee members. The draft said, “In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land beyond the land limits according to the law”. The UCPN (M) gave its nod to this proposal but the NC remained adamant. Discussion continued for long but there was no consensus. So the CA members from UML and NC demanded additional time for discussion. But the Committee Chairperson Amrita Thapa Magar insisted that there could be no additional time available, and contentious issues had to be settled. Voting followed as a result.
The UCPN (M) stood in favour of the draft prepared by the UML. Majority of the Committee members passed the statement “In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land beyond the land limits according to law.” But UML, surprisingly, stood against the proposal it had earlier agreed upon. In the Committee meeting UML CA member Bijaya Paudel said that the earlier draft was only an attempt at consensus and would be final only if all the parties agreed to it. The UML cited that additional time was not granted and there was no consensus among the parties for it to backtrack its decision.
The Nepali Congress and Madhes parties bitterly opposed the working style of the Committee Chairperson. In the dissent presented by the UML and the Nepali Congress it has been stated about Chairperson Thapa “we seriously object to the way the respected chairperson presented the issues for decision while the discussions were still continuing, like in earlier meetings, against the wishes and opinions of most of the CA members from the political parties without prior notice. Not all the members of the Committee were notified about the agenda for the decision of the meeting. They were not issued prior notice about the election procedure. So members were deprived of participating in the decision-making process. Despite repeated attempts on the part of CA members to draw your attention toward this fact, you did not listen. So we express our full disagreement on the decision made without following the working regulation”.
Suggestions for the Preamble
The Committee has suggested ensuring the rights of the indigenous, Janajatis and local people in the preamble of the constitution for utilisation and sustainable growth of natural resources, economic prosperity, balanced development, socialism-oriented mixed economy, and food sovereignty. According to the Committee proposal, every citizen bears the right to earn, sell, use, and transact his property according to the law. The Committee also mentions about the provision of compensation to those people whose property the state might confiscate or receive or establish rights over such properties by any means for public good. In such cases the state pays compensation to the people. The report also mentions that in executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land beyond the land limits according to the law. The state can, according to the report, formulate law and execute land reform plan for public good and social justice.
Sharing of Revenue Sources
According to the Committee proposal, the central government can collect revenue: value added tax (VAT), excise duty, institutional income tax, personal income tax, casino income, service charge, carbon service, royalty from the natural resources, and other income and fines. Revenue should be regulated by the central government because the Committee proposal justifies revenue is related with gross production, import and export and taxation of the country, and it can even affect the competitive capacity of the country. So it is necessary to monitor international trade through trade tax.
As for the right of the central government over VAT, tax is imposed at different stages of goods from production to sale in retail market. The VAT of the first stage is cut in the latter stage, and he who consumes the goods at the end pays VAT. When VAT is put under the jurisdiction of the central government, the chain of tax exemption will not be broken and the tax limit cannot be adjusted. Provinces can collect excise duty, entertainment tax, transportation tax, registration charge for home and land, service charge, royalty, fines and other income. Local bodies can collect entertainment tax, property tax, land revenue, business tax, registration charge for home and land, service charge, royalty, fines and other income. Both the provinces and the local bodies can extract entertainment tax and registration charge for home and land but excise duty is specific to the centre and provinces. Service charge, royalty from natural resources, fines and other income go to local bodies, provinces and the central authority.
Sharing of Financial Rights
The centre exercises the rights to control and monitor national defence and the army, central police, international trade, telecommunication, money and monetary policy, banking and insurance, immigration, foreign affairs and international treaties and agreements, financial policy, national planning policy, statistics, international border, security, detective service, research trusts, civil aviation and airport, railway service, etc. Likewise, the centre holds power over the postal service, quality of food and people’s health, population and family planning, measurement, quality control, labour relations and protection, and economic rights of the trade unions. The centre also reserves the rights over science and technology, federal civil service, national highways, large and inter-province irrigation, large drinking water projects, higher education, university, large- and medium-scale hydropower projects, control of communicable diseases, electricity development, drinking water and minerals, land consumption policy, marshy land, electricity distribution, industries, monitoring foreign investment, and economic rights over forests.
The Committee has proposed to give authority to the provinces over provincial police, provincial planning policy, research trusts, airports, provincial railways, family planning, provincial civil service, medium-scale drinking-water project, university, technical and vocational education, curriculum, syllabus and textbooks, and examination; monitoring the quality of health services, traditional treatment measures, medium-scale hydropower, agriculture, electricity distribution, alternative energy, sports, industrial management, water resource area, mines and minerals, wildlife reservation, marshy land, etc.
The local body is responsible for formulating local planning policy and is also responsible to look after family planning, local service, local urban road, small drinking-water project, management of garbage and dumping sites, small irrigation project, education up to 10 + 2, non-formal education, the hospital (now district level), micro-hydropower, electricity distribution, alternative energy, minimising calamity, small and cottage industries management, registration of birth, marriage, and death, migration, environment and other economic rights.
The Committee has also proposed the condition of just distribution of revenue among the centre, provinces and local bodies. An independent National Financial Commission will be formed to recommend the result of smooth handover of economic gains of the local bodies and provinces to the centre. And also a National Finance Commission will be formed to facilitate easy sharing of revenue.
Different Opinions of One’s Own
Greatly dissatisfied by the passing of land reform proposal, the NC, UML, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (TMLP) and other parties expressed their dissents. The different opinion presented by them states “In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, or in receiving, capturing or confiscating anyone’s land or property or by owning the said property by the state, compensation will be provided according to law. The criteria and basis of such compensation will be as determined by law”. Those CA members who voiced different views regarding land reform argued that seizing land without offering compensation is objectionable, both on practical and notional grounds. Objecting to the provision of taking away land without compensation, they said “it is against the spirit of all past agreements, the Interim Constitution, and universal principle of human rights”.
Rajendra Khetan, CA member from Nepal Communist Party (ML), argued strongly in favour of restitution. He said, “In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, or in receiving, capturing or confiscating anyone’s land or property or by owning the said property by the state, compensation will be provided according to law. The criteria and basis of such compensation will be as determined by law”. Other CA members like Binod Kumar Chaudhary, Diwakar Golchha, and Surya Bahadur KC seconded Khetan. Industrialist duo Binod Chaudhary and Diwakar Golchha belong to UML and NC respectively while Surya Bahadur KC is from Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). Nawaraj Koirala of Nepal Workers and Peasants Party was of the opinion “in executing revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land belonging to individuals and organisations for public good.” Jitendra Sonar, Hemraj Tated and Ramnaresh Raya suggested writing “local” in the preamble about use of natural resources before indigenous and Janajati people. They also demanded that one member each from provinces should be included in the proposed National Finance Commission. The nomination of such member should be proposed by the provincial government of the respective provinces. Also they voiced for the right of the provinces to individual income tax and organisational income tax. Binod Chaudhary said that property tax should be limited to land and house.
Despite the fact that the vice-chairperson of the Committee belonged to the UCPN (M), its CA members proposed to add some issues in the report. Their proposal says “we express our different opinion to use the clause ‘Constituent Assembly formed from the recurring people’s movements after 1950; people’s war and Madhes movement’ in place of ‘Constituent Assembly Election held according to the people’s wishes after second People’s Movement’ in the ninth line of the first paragraph in the introduction and background sections of the preliminary draft report prepared by our committee”.
Criticism at Last
In the initial meetings, it was hard to make clear the jurisdiction and functions of the Committee. As the specific issues were discussed with the experts, the discussion went well and managed. The Committee had appointed Dr. Rabi Sharma Aryal, Santosh Mani Nepal, Kalanidhi Paudel, Yamnath Sharma, and Dinmani Pokharel as experts. The discussion process sped up as issues were understood by the experts. After the timetable and work description got finalised, Bhimarjun Acharya presented a paper on the problems and possible solution with regard to natural resources and financial rights in the federal structure. Then Rabi Sharma Aryal presented a paper on the present situation of natural resources, financial rights and revenue sharing and things to be considered in making the constitution.
Likewise, Dr. Shankar Sharma presented a paper on distribution of revenue and expenses; Jagat Banset presented on land and natural resources; Dr. Sumitra Manandhar on natural resources, and Pushpa Kandel on financial federalism. The Committee also had taken advice from government mechanisms. The Ministry of Forest and Land Preservation offered suggestion on the present status of forest, financial rights, revenue sharing, and issues to be incorporated in the constitution to be made and the rational of this. The Ministry of Science and Technology offered its view on the present situation of environment, science and technology, financial rights, revenue sharing, provision to be instituted in the new constitution, and its rationale.
The Ministries of Land Reform and Management, Industry, Physical Planning and Construction, Tourism and Civil Aviation, Agriculture and Cooperative, Local Development, and the National Planning Commission had sent their standing and perspectives on matters relating to financial rights and revenue sharing. The discussion ran in the Committee in a smooth and detailed manner. CA members Hari Roka and Bijaya Paudel were seen actively working in taking the feedback of the parties and settling the differences that came along. The Committee chairperson Amrita Thapa had allowed extensive discussions on the issues raised by the CA members and put enough efforts to forge a consensus. She did not give the same concentration when it came to gaining consensus on land reform.
Though NC and UML CA members demanded additional time, she did not allow it to them. Her insistence to go for voting, earned her some criticism by the same NC and UML members who had been appreciative of her role earlier. She called for voting in the Committee when the majority of the members present were from the UCPN (M). Thapa, apparently, feared majority of NC, UML and Madhes parties against the UCPN (M) in extending time for consensus and therefore called for voting by disregarding UML and NC appeal. She, it seems, wanted the proposal of the UCPN (M) to be passed. The Committee had sat 92 meetings in all and 337 hours were spent in discussion.
Conclusion
The Committee has forwarded a clear proposal on natural resources, financial rights and revenue sharing. The proposal has identified the jurisdiction, rights, limitations and boundaries of the centre, provinces and local bodies. It seems that if the Committee proposal is incorporated in the new constitution, it will significantly contribute to making a successful federal democratic republic. Also the Committee has tried to explain the responsibilities and interrelations between the centre, provinces and local bodies. So no unit may have to remain in confusion about the roles each has to play and responsibilities each has to shoulder. There is less likelihood of dispute between the centre and provinces because the role of each has been clearly defined. The success of the Committee proposals, made on the advice and recommendation from experts, people, government mechanisms, depends on how they are arranged and presented in the new constitution. The relationship between the centre, provinces, and local bodies also depend on this.
Differences over compensation
Though the political parties could have been clear about the political issues and other subjects, they were not clear on natural resources, financial rights and revenue sharing even after the election to constituent assembly. In Interim Constitution 2007, election manifestos of the political parties and other documents did not clearly define the relation between the province and the centre. This is the result of uncertainty the parties themselves were in. However, it is not unnatural that the parties that have different backgrounds hold different views regarding this particular subject.
The differences notwithstanding, Committee on Natural Resources, Financial Rights and Revenue Sharing managed to reach consensus on many issues through discussion. The CA members of United Communist Party Nepal (UCPN, Maoist) sternly stood in favor of revolutionary land reform while Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN (UML) voiced for “scientific land reform.” After the discussion the committee agreed to call it “ scientific revolutionary.” The parties had debates as to what to do to confiscate the land of the individual that bears more land than set by the limitation in the process of executing land reform. For Maoists compensation was not necessary in confiscating such land (more land than set by limitation) while NC and UML and other parties advocated for compensation.
UML prepared a draft as an attempt to erase the growing dissents among the committee members. The draft said “ In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land beyond the land limits according to the law.” Maoists gave nod to this proposal but NC remained adamant. Discussion continued for long but there was no consensus. So the CA members from UML and NC demanded additional time for discussion. But the committee chairman Amrita Thapa Magar insisted that there could be no additional time available and contentious issues had to be settled. Election or voting followed as a result.
Maoists stood in favor of the draft prepared by the UML. Majority of the committee members passed the statement “In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land beyond the land limits according to law.” But UML, surprisingly, stood against the proposal it had earlier agreed upon. In committee meeting UML CA member Bijay Poudel said that the earlier draft was only an attempt for consensus and would be final only if all parties agreed to it. UML cited that additional time was not granted and there was no consensus among the parties for it to backtrack its decision.
Nepali Congress and Madhesh Parties bitterly opposed the working style of the committee chairperson. In the dissent presented by UML and Congress it has been stated about chairperson Thapa “we seriously object to the way respected chairperson presented the issues for decision while the discussions were still continuing , like in earlier meetings, against the wishes and opinions of most of CA members from the political parties without prior notice. Not all members of the committee were notified about the agenda for decision of the meeting. They were not issued prior notice about the election procedure. So members were deprived of participating in decision making process. Despite repeated attempt from the part of CA members to draw your attention toward this fact, you did not listen. So we express our full disagreement on the decision made without following the working regulation.”
Advise for preamble
The committee has suggested to ensure rights of the indigenous, janajatia and local people, in the preamble of the constitution, utilization and sustainable growth of natural resources, economic prosperity, balanced development, socialism oriented mixed economy, and food sovereignty. According to the committee proposal every citizen bears right to earn, sell, use, and transact his property according to the law. The committee also mentions about the provision of compensation to those people whose property the state might confiscate or receive or established rights over such properties by any means for public good. In such cases the state pays compensation to people. The report also mentions that in executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land beyond the land limits according to the law. The state can, according to the report, formulate law and execute land reform plan for public good and social justice.
Sharing of Revenue Sources
According to the committee proposal the central government can collect revenue, value added tax (vat), excise duty, institutional income tax, personal income tax, casino income, service charge, carbon service, royalty from the natural resources, and other income and fines. Revenue should be regulated by the central government, because, the committee proposal justifies, revenue is related with gross production, import and export and taxation of the country, and it can even affect the competitive capacity of the country. So it is necessary to monitor international trade through trade tax.
As for the right of the central government over VAT, tax is imposed on different stages of goods from production to sell in retail market. The VAT of the first stage is cut in the latter stage, and he who consumes the goods at the end pays VAT. When VAT is put under the jurisdiction of central government, the chain of tax exemption won’t break and tax limit cannot be adjusted. Province can collect excise duty, entertainment tax, transportation tax, registration charge for home and land, service charge, royalty, fine and other income. Local bodies can collect entertainment tax, property tax, land revenue, business tax, registration charge for home and land, service charge, royalty, fine and other income. Both the province and the local body can extract entertainment tax and registration charge for home and land but excise duty is specific to center and province. Service charge, royalty from natural resources, fine and other income go to local body, province and central authority.
Sharing of Financial Rights
Center exercises rights to control an monitor national defense and army, central police, international trade, telecommunication, money and monetary policy, banking and insurance, immigration, foreign affairs and international treaties and agreements, financial policy, national planning policy, statistics, international border, security, detective service, research trusts, civil aviation and airport, railway service etc. Likewise the centre holds power over postal service, quality of food and people’s health, population and family planning, measurement, quality control, labor relation and protection, and economic rights of the trade unions. Center also reserves rights over science and technology, federal civil service, national highways, large and interprovince irrigation, large drinking water project, higher education, university, large and medium scale hydropower projects, control over communicable diseases, electricity development, drinking water and minerals, land consumption policy, marshy land, electricity distribution, industries, monitoring foreign investment, and economic rights over forests.
The committee has proposed to entitle province over provincial police, provincial planning policy, research trusts, airports, provincial railways, family planning, provincial civil service, medium scale drinking water project, university, technical and vocational education, curriculum, syllabus and textbooks, and examination. Monitoring the quality of health service, traditional treatment measures, medium scale hydropower, agriculture, electricity distribution, alternative energy, sports, industrial management, water resource area, mines and minerals, wildlife reservation, marshy land and so on.
The local body is responsible for formulating local planning policy and is also responsible to look after family planning, local service, local urban road, small drinking water project, management of garbage and dumping sites, small irrigation project, education up to 10 + 2, nonformal education, the hospital ( now district level), micro hydropower, electricity distribution, alternative energy, minimizing calamity, small and cottage industries management, registration of birth, marriage, and death, migration, environment and other economic rights.
The committee has also proposed the condition of just distribution of revenue among center, province and local bodies. An independent National Financial Commission will be formed recommend the result of smooth handover of economic gains of the local bodies and provinces to the centre. And also a National Finance Commission will be formed to facilitate easy sharing of revenue.
Different opinions of one’s own
Greatly dissatisfied by the passing of land reform proposal, NC, UML, Madheshi Jana Adhikar Forum (MJAF) and Terai Madhesh Loktantrik Party (TMLP) and other parties expressed their dissents. The different opinion presented by them states “ In executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, or in receiving, capturing or confiscating anyone’s land or property or by owning the said property by the state, compensation will be provided according to law. The criteria and basis of such compensation will be as determined by law.” Those of the CA members who voiced different views regarding land reform argued that seizing land without offering compensation is objectionable both on practical and notional ground. Objecting to the provision of taking away land without compensation they said “it is against the spirit of all past agreements, the interim constitution, and universal principle of human rights.”
Rajendra Khetan, CA member from Nepal Communist Party (ML) argued strongly in favor of recompense. He said “in executing scientific and revolutionary land reform, or in receiving, capturing or confiscating anyone’s land or property or by owning the said property by the state, compensation will be provided according to law. The criteria and basis of such compensation will be as determined by law.” Other CA members like Binod Kumar Chaudhary, Diwakar Golchha, and Surya Bahadur KC seconded Khetan. Industrialist duo Binod Chaudhary and Dowakar Golchha belong to UML and NC respectively while Surya Bahadur KC is representative from Rastriya Prajatantra Party(RPP). Nabaraj Koirala of Nepal Labor and Peasant’s Party was of the opinion “in executing revolutionary land reform, the state may capture or take the land belonging to individuals and organizations for public good.” Jeetendra Sonar, Hemraj Tated and Ramnaresh Raya suggested writing “local” in the preamble about use of natural resources before indigenous and janajati people. They also demanded that one member each from provinces should be included in the proposed National Finance Commission. The nomination of such member should be proposed by the provincial government of the respective provinces. Also they voiced for the right of the province to individual income tax and organizational income tax. Binod Chaidhary said that in property tax should be limited to land and house.
Despite the fact that the vice chairman of the committee belonged to Maoists, Maoist CA members proposed to add some issues in the report. Their proposal says “we express our different opinion to use the clause ‘Constituent Assembly formed from the recurring people’s movements after 1950; People’s War and Madhesh Movement’ in place of ‘Constituent Assembly Election held according to the people’s wishes after second People’s Movement’ in the ninth line of the first paragraph in introduction and background section of the preliminary draft report prepared by our committee.”
Criticism at last
In the initial meetings, it was hard to make clear the jurisdiction and functions of the committee. As the specific issues were discussed with the experts, the discussion went well and managed. The committee had appointed Dr Rabi Sharma Aryal, Satoshmani Nepal, Kalanidhi Paudyal, Yamnath Sharma, and Dinmani Pokhrel as experts. The discussion process sped up as issues were understood by the experts. After the timetable and work description got finalized, Bhimarjun Acharya presented paper on problem and possible solution with regard to Natural Resources and Financial Rights in the federal structure. Then Rabi Sharma Aryal presented paper on the present situation of Natural Resources, Financial Rights and Revenue Sharing and things to be considered in making the constitution.
Likewise, Dr Shankar Sharma presented paper on distribution of revenue and expenses, Jagat Banset presented on Land and Natural Resources, Dr Sumitra Manandhar on Natural Resources and Pushpa Kandel on financial federalism. The committee also had taken advice from government mechanisms. Ministry of Forest and Land Preservation offered suggestion on the present status of forest, financial rights, revenue sharing, and issues to be incorporated in the constitution to be made and the rational of this. Minsitry of Science and Technology offered its view on the present situation of environment, science and technology, financial rights, revenue sharing, provision to be instituted in the new constitution, and it’s rational.
Ministry of Land reform and management, Industry, Physical Planning and Construction, Tourism and Civil Aviation, Agriculture and Cooperative, Local Development, and National Planning Commission had sent their standing and perspectives on matters relating to financial rights and revenue sharing. The discussion ran in the committee in smooth and minute way. CA members Hari Rokka and Bijay Paudel were seen actively working in taking the feedback of the parties and settling the differences that came along. The Committee chairman Amrita Thapa had allowed extensive discussion on the issues raised by the CA members and put enough efforts to forge consensus. She did not give the same concentration when it came to gaining consensus for land reform.
Though NC and UML CA members demanded additional time she did not allow it to them. Her insistence to go for voting, earned her some criticism by the same NC and UML members who had been appreciated her role earlier. She called for voting in the committee when the majority of the members present were from Maoist. Thapa, apparently, feared majority of NC, UML and Madhesh parties against Maoists in extending time for consensus and therefore called for voting by disregarding UML and NC appeal. She, it seems, wanted the proposal of the Maoists to be passed. The committee had sat 92 meetings in all and 337 hours were spent in discussion.
Conclusion
The committee has forwarded a clear proposal on natural resources, financial rights and revenue sharing. The proposal has identified the jurisdiction, rights, limitations and boundaries of the center, province and local bodies. It seems that if the committee proposal is incorporated in the new constitution, it will significantly contribute to making federal democratic republic. Also the committee has tried to explain the responsibilities and interrelations between center, province and local bodies. So no any unit may have to remain in confusion about the roles each has to play and responsibilities each has to shoulder. There is less likelihood of dispute between center and province because the role of each has been clearly defined. The success of the committee proposals, made from the advise and recommendation from experts, people, government mechanisms, depend on how they are arranged and presented in the new constitution. The relation between centre, province, and local body also depend on this.
